Yoruba for Academic Purpose: TRANSLATING IGBO OLODUMARE

Temitayo Stella Adewole

Translations like wives are seldom faithful if they are in the least attractive (Trevor J. Sanders)^{^[1]}

Traduttore, traditore (translator, traitor)^{^[2]}

Introduction

In this work, we shall analyse Soyinka’s translation of Igbó Olódùmarè and show some of the methods used by him in translating a text from a source language to a target language. We shall begin with the problems of translation.

Problems of Translation

One may wonder why translation is so problematic. A suggestion by Lyons (1981: 67-68) may make this clear. According to him

Despite the impression that might be given by standard bilingual dictionaries, such common English words such as ‘brown’, ‘monkey’, ‘chair’, ‘jug’, carpet – to take but a few – cannot be translated exactly into French, out of context and without making more or less arbitrary choice. According to context, ‘brown’ will be translated into French (or should be) sometimes with ‘burn’ and sometimes with ‘matron’ not to mention

biege’ and similar more specific words. There are even occasions, notably with reference to men’s shoes when ‘brown’ (if we know that it refers to a particular light shade) might be translated as ‘jaune’ which we usually think of as meaning ‘yellow’ …. These lexical differences between languages are frequently summarized by linguists with the following generalization: every language divides up the world, or reality, in its own way.

If, as claimed by Lyons (1981), it can be difficult to translate a single word from French into English (both of which are Indo-European languages), one then wonders how difficult the translation of a whole book would be. This being the case, Soyinka (2010) uses different types of methods, strategies and procedures to enable the target language speakers to understand his text while reading it. Some of the methods, strategies and procedures he uses are as follows:

SL Concept which is not Lexicalized in TL

‘Onírùngbọ̀n’ is one of the concepts which are lexicalized in the source language but which are not lexicalized in the target language. ‘Onírùngbọ̀n’ is derived through the combination of a derivational morpheme, ‘oní’ (one who owns) and two other words, ‘irun’ (hair) and ‘àgbọ̀n’ (chin). The ‘bearded-one’ used by Soyinka, on the other hand, could be regarded as either a phrase or a word derived through compounding. There is no way a derived word, in which a derivational morpheme is used for derivation, can be used to translation ‘onírúngbọ̀n’ into the target language. There is no ‘*bearder’ in English, as a derived word’, which can be used in place of the ‘bearded-one’. This is the reason why Soyinka (2010) uses the method he adopted.

Differences in Form between SL and TL

The titles of the first chapters in the texts are different in forms. The source language uses ‘Ibẹrẹ Olowo-aiye’ while the target language uses ‘Entre Olowo-aiye’ (Olówó-aiyé Wọlé). ‘Ibẹrẹ Olwo-aiye’ in English is ‘The Beginning of Olowo-aiye’. This would have been very difficult for the target language speakers to understand because the story does not start from the time Olowo-aiye was born which would have been his beginning. We think, in this case, Soyinka’ (2010) adopts a different form of the source language in the target language for clarity.

Also, the ‘Ojola-ibinu’ translated as the ‘Boa-of fury’ or the ‘Python-of-rage’ are also of different forms or structure. ‘Ojola-ibinu’ can be regarded either as a derived compound or a noun-noun construction while the ‘Boa-of-fury’ or the ‘Python-of-rage’ is the combination of a noun, a preposition and a noun. Soyinka (2010) uses this method because ‘*Boa-fury’ or ‘*Python-rage’, even, if they are derivable compound words in English, will not render ‘Ojola-ibinu’ adequately’.

The Use of Loanwords and Borrowings

Soyinka (2010) uses a lot of loanwords from Yoruba language in his work. Right from the title of the work, we have been having examples of loanwords. The Yoruba title of ‘Igbo Olodumare’ is translated as ‘The Forest of Olodumare’ where ‘Olodumare’ is a loanword in the target language. On the content page, we have ‘gongo so!’ and ‘Baba-onirungbọn-yẹukẹ’. Almost all the source language names are retained as loanwords.

The use of loanwords in Soyinka (2010) can be justified by the fact that most of the words used as loanwords cannot be rendered accurately in the target language. However, the problems with the use of loanwords by Soyinka (2010) are (i) He is not consistent. Even, in the content page, he uses both ‘Baba-onirungbọn-yeukẹ’, a loanword, and the ‘Fury-bearded-one’ for the same person on the same page and (ii) The orthography in the source language is not often followed in the loanwords used in the target language. For instance, ‘gọngọ sọ’ in the source language is written as ‘gongo so!’ in the target language.

Change of Singular to Plural

In the source language, we have ‘baba-onirungbọn-yẹukẹ ẹniti ngbe ibi gegele okuta’ but in the target language, we have the ‘Fury-bearded-one whose dwelling is on the promontory of rocks’ or the ‘Fury-bearded-one who lived on the rock promontory’. In the source language, ‘okuta’ is neither singular nor plural because we can say ‘mo mú òkùta’ (I take a stone) where ‘òkúta’ can be said to be singular. We can also say ‘mo kó òkúta’ (I collected stones) where ‘okúta’ can be said to be plural.

We are of the opinion that it is because of this confusion about the dichotomy between singular and plural in the source language that makes Soyinka (2010) to translate ‘òkúta’ as ‘rock’, which is singular and as ‘rocks’, which is plural.

SL Word which is Semantically Complex

‘Okúta’ in ‘baba-onirungbọn-yẹukẹ eniti ngbe ibi gegele okuta’ can also be used as an example of a source language word which is semantically complex. This is because CMS (1913: 171) translates ‘òkùta’ as ‘stone’. Bowen (1858: 61) calls it ‘a stone, a boulder’. Abraham (1958: 468) renders it as a ‘stone’ while Crowther (1852: 215) translates it as ‘stone (in general)’.

What we can deduce from the definitions given in these dictionaries is that ‘òkúta’ is a complex word in the source language. What Soyinka (2010) does is to select one of the possible translations of ‘òkúta’. He settles for one of the definitions given by Bowen (1858: 61) who has ‘boulder’ as one of his own definitions of ‘òkúta’. A ‘rock’ used by Soyinka (2010) for ‘òkúta’ is a type of a boulder because a boulder is a very large rock.

Distinction in Meaning in One Language which is Different from Distinction in Meaning in another Language

‘Skull’, on page 3 of Soyinka (2010) can be used as an example of a word in which the source language makes a distinction in meaning which is different from that of the target language. In the source language, we have emi ti mo ti de fila ri, ti mo tẹ fila mi siwaju kọngọ, mo si fila mi kuro ni atari. This is rendered in the target language as ‘I who had earlier donned a cloth cap, cock its pouch stylishly over the forehead, was forced to toss the covering from my skull’.

Abraham (1958: 75), CMS (1913: 47), Crowther (1852: 49 and Bowen (1858: 19) all translate ‘àtàrí’ as the ‘crown of the head’. ‘Agbárí’^{^[3]} is translated as the ‘skull: cranium’ by Abraham (1958: 27), the ‘skull’ by Bowen (1858: 10), ‘skull, crown of the head’ by Crowther (1852: 13) and ‘skull, crown of the head, scalp’ by CMS (1913: 11). This shows that where the source language clearly makes a distinction between ‘àtàrí’ and ‘agbárí’, the target language does not. We say this because whereas ‘àtàrí’ can be translated as ‘crown of the head’ only, ‘agbárí’ can be translated as either ‘crown of head’ (Crowther 1852: 13 and CMS (1913: 11); ‘skull’ (Crowther 1852: 13, Bowen 1858: 10, CMS 1913: 11 and Abraham 1958: 27), ‘cranium’ (Abraham 1958: 27) and ‘scalp’ (CMS 1913: 11). In any case, none of the lexicographers translates ‘àtàrí’ as ‘skull’..

‘Toss’ in ‘toss the covering^{^[4]} from my skull’, which, in the source language, is ‘ṣi fila kuro ni atari’, is another word in which a distinction made in the target language is not made in the source language. ‘Ó́ ṣị fìlà’, according to Abraham (1958: 615) means, ‘He took off his cap’. There is nothing in Abraham’s (1958: 615) translation of ‘Ó ṣí fìlà’ to show whether the cap was put on the ground or thrown away. To ‘toss’, however, is to throw something carelessly. This distinction is not shown in the source language’s ‘ṣí’.

Translator’s Note

Soyinka (2010) provides a very comprehensive translator’s note as a preface to his work. In the translation note, he discusses the cultural background to Fagunwa’s work, the moral of Fagunwa’s stories and the limit of his own translation. For instance, he says in his translator’s note on the first page of his preface that ‘Fagunwa is not an easy writer to translate!’

Compounding

Many words which are single lexical items in the source language are translated as compounds in the target language, many times, for clarity. Examples taken from Soyinka (2010: 3) are: ‘well-being’ for ‘àlàáfíà’, ‘hide-outs’ for ‘ahéré’, ‘tree stumps’ for ‘ìdàrọ’ and ‘palm oil’ for ‘epo’.

Adaptation

- ògì = porridge

On page 173 of his work, Soyinka (2010) translates ‘Bi iṣu ba yipada, a di iyan, bi agbado ba yipada a di ogi’ to ‘When the yam alters form, it turns into pounded yam, when corn changes shape, it turns into porridge’. ‘Ọgì’ should have been translated as ‘maize starch’ but because this may not be clear to the target language speakers, he uses ‘porridge’. Porridge is ‘àsáró’ in Yorùbá. The CMS (1913: 140) translates ‘porridge’ as ‘àṣáró, ẹ̀kọ àfálá, dẹ̀ngẹ́’ while Bowen (1858: 118) renders it as ‘àṣáró’. None of them uses ‘ògì’ for the translation of ‘porridge’. But, as we have stated earlier, the target language speakers will prefer ‘porridge’ to ‘maize starch’ as the translation of ‘ogi’.

Compensation^{^[5]}

- jinwinjinwin = tintinnabulation; wẹlẹwẹlẹ = little pieces

In the source language, what we have in Fagunwa (1949: 13) is ‘Bi on ti nbọ ni ẹsẹ rẹ ndun jinwinjinwin nitori ọpọlọpọ ikarahun igbin ni wọn ge wẹlẹwẹlẹ … ti nwọn fi okun so gbogbo wọn pọ bi ilẹkẹ ti ẹbọra na to wọn yi lati ọrun ẹsẹ titi de orunkun koko’ In the target language, Soyinka (2010: 21) has the following: ‘As he approached, his legs kept up a tintinnabulation from snail shells which had been broken into little pieces … strung together like beads and worn on his legs packed solid from ankle to knee’

What we will notice from the quotation above is that ‘jinwinjinwin’ is an adverb qualifying ‘dun’ in the source language while ‘tintinnabulation’ is a noun which is the object of the phrasal verb, ‘kept up’ in the target language. ‘Wẹlẹwẹlẹ’ is also an adverb qualifying ‘ge’ in the source language while ‘little pieces’ is a noun phrase which is the object of the preposition, ‘into’ in the target language. Soyinka (2010) adopts this method because there are no adverbs in the target language in which ‘jinwinjinwin’ and ‘wẹlẹwẹlẹ’ can be rendered.

Reduction

In reduction procedure, the translator reduces the number of elements that form the source language text; The following are examples:

Emi nã ko tun sọrọ nipa irungbọn onirungbọn mọ, mo fi onirungbọn silẹ ki o mã gbe rungbọn rẹ lọ. (Fagunwa 1949: 79)

I never again made reference to the beard of the beard owner. I left the man alone to carry his beard as he pleased. (Soyinka 2010: 109).

In this source language, ‘irùngbọ̀n’ (beard) appears four times but in the target language, ‘beard’ appears three times. Soyinka does this because ‘beard’ would have been too repetitive if it appears four times in the target language.

Another example is as follows:

Bi baba ti o bi ọ tilẹ ju baba ẹlomiran, sibẹ baba ti o bi ọ ko ju baba ti o bi mi, nitorinã jọwọ jẹ ki n mọ baba ti o tobi nã ti o jẹ baba ti o bi ọ. Baba ti o bi emi yi ni Akọwediran, baba Akọwediran si ni ̀Ìdákẹrọ́rọ́-òde, Idakẹrọrọ-ode to baba fun Akowediran, Akowediran to baba fun emi, Olowo-aiye, nitorina, ko si baba ti o jẹ baba ti o tobi ti o ju baba ti o bi mi, nitorinã emi bẹ ọ tọkantọkan, maṣai jẹki nmọ baba ti o tobi ti o bi ọ. (Fagunwa 1949: 67-68)

Even if the father that gave birth to you is greater than the fathers of some others, yours cannot hold a candle to mine, I therefore implore you, let me know just who is this father of yours. I was fathered by Akowediran, the father of Akowediran is Idakeroro-ode. Idakeroro-ode was more than sufficient father for Akowediran. Akowediran was sufficient father for me, Olowo-aiye, thus there exists no father greater than he who is my father. I therefore ask you, in all sincerity, do not fail to let me know of this great man who had you as his son. (Soyinka (2010: 94).

In the source language, ‘baba’ (father) occurs fifteen times whereas, in the target language, ‘father’ occurs only ten times. Even, out of these ten times, one is used as a verb (fathered), whereas, the fifteen occurrences of ‘baba’ (father) in the source language are nouns. Soyinka reduces the number of times ‘father’ occurs in the target language in order not to make the passage monotonous.

A man, acknowledging his recognition by another, says:

Emi ni, emi nã ni, emi ọkunrin nã ni (Fagunwa 1949: 33).

Here, with each sentence, ‘there is an additional qualification until the climax of the third sentence in which the man gives himself the highest praise of all’ (Bamgbose (1973: 122). In the target language, Soyinka (2010: 45) simply translates these sentences as

Yes indeed, I am that very man.

The nine words in the source language are reduced to seven in the target language and the three sentences are reduced to one.

Expansion

Expansion refers to the case where the translator exceeds the number of words of the source language text in his translation. An example of expansion is Soyinka’s (2010: 129) translation of ‘ọkan mi nlu kiki bi ọkọ ofurufu’ (Fagunwa 1949: 94). Despite the fact that ‘nlu kiki’ is rendered as one word (pounding) and ‘ọkọ ofurufu’ also rendered as one word (airplane), Soyinka still uses nine words (my heart pounding like the engine of an airplane) in his translation instead of the seven used in the source language. Soyinka (2010) does this because ‘nlu kiki bi ọkọ ofurufu’ may be clear to the source language speakers; ‘pounding like an airplane’ may not, hence, he adds ‘engine of’ to the clause for clarity.

Conclusion

In this work, we have looked at the different types of methods, strategies and procedures used by Soyinka (2010) in translating Igbó Olódùmarè into English.

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[1] See Isola (nd.: 1), ‘Not Translation but Retrieval: On Translating Soyinka’

[2] These were famous words by a Roman Emperor to his translator which means ‘translator’, you are a ‘traitor’. The Emperor said these after realizing that the translator was not interpreting him well. See Maria Khodorkovsky (2008), ‘Traduttore, Traditore’, in http://www.altalang.com. (accessed on 13^th June, 2012).

[3] Abraham (1958: 27) says ‘agbárí’ is derived from ‘igbá orí’.

[4] Note that ‘the covering’, as used here, is a sort of metonymy (a word used in place of another to convey the same meaning as in the use of ‘the crown’ for ‘monarchy’).

[5] Compensation is a translation procedure whereby the translator solves the problem of aspects of source language text that cannot take the same form in the target language by replacing these aspects with other elements or forms in the target language.

Yoruba for Academic Purpose

Monday, 6 March 2017

TRANSLATING IGBO OLODUMARE

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