SUB-ETHNIC INTERACTIONS IN YORÙBÁ ORÍKÌ: THE ÌJẸ̀SÀ EXAMPLE

T.M. ILÉSANMÍ[1]

1.      Introduction

          Major studies on Yorùbá oríkì deal with the content, the form, the internal features, the geographical locations and the cultural allusions in the oríkì[2]. The performance techniques reveal the focus of the artist in each recorded repertoire. Consequently, the researcher has at his disposal only the material presented at the occasion of his recording unless he later solicits for other information in the process of his analysis.

          Many of the studies on oríkì are products of pioneering researchers who have to use the available tools at their disposal to record and analyse their limited and localized field materials. Despite their conspicuous limitations, many of them are associated with excellent jobs and sound judgements on the nature of Yorùbá oríkì. More studies are still in the pipe line since oríkì seems to be the most popular genre of Yorùbá orature.

         

          As new grounds are being opened up and new lights are being shed on oríkì (Ọlátúnjí, 1969, 1973, 1984), from time to time, sub-ethnic idiosyncrasies rear their heads and sometimes falsify some and corroborate other preexisting generalizations. The bulk of the work written on oríkì has focused on the Ọ̀yọ́ speaking Yorùbá (a major sub-ethnic group in Yorùbáland)[3]. The less popularized groups which are collectively larger than the Ọ̀yọ́ Yorùbá[4] have their individual peculiarities. Except for the allusion to the royal lineage of Olúfẹ̀ in Oríkì Orílè (Babalọlá, 1965) and the generalized allusions to some Yorùbá sub-ethnic groups, the lineages often focused upon in works written on Ìjálá, Ẹ̀sà, Rárà, Ẹkún Ìyàwó, Ìwì Eégún, Ìrèmọ̀jé, etc.; are those of the Ọ̀yọ́ speaking group where the earlier studies on Yorùbá orature had been carried out (Ọlátúnjí, 1969, 1973, 1984).

          By now[5], we can categorically state that oríkì is a universal phenomenon among the Yorùbá. It has a home in the various Yorùbá sub-ethnic groups, using each of the specific Yorùbá dialects as vehicles of propagation, the cultural peculiarities as points or differences either in performance, in material organization or in content.

2       The Ìjẹ̣̀ṣ̣à and their Neighbours

          The identity of the Ìjẹ̀ṣà as a specific sub-ethnic group of Yorùbá nation has been proved beyond reasonable doubt (Ilésanmí, 1985). Her neighbours, however, should be conceived, for the purpose of this paper, as including, not just the geographically located neighbours[6], but also all groups of people, wherever they are located, who share marital ties with the Ìjẹ̀ṣà. However, their major interactions are with their geographically close neighbours.

          As a sub-ethnic group within the Yorùbá nation, the Ìjẹ̀ṣà have a history (Atáyérọ, n.d.) a peculiar political structure (Peel, 1983), a traditional religion (Ilésanmí, 1985b), a dialect (Ilésanmí, 1974), and an identity (Ilésanmí, 1985a). Despite all these, she still shares a lot of other things with the other Yorùbá communities.

          What is referred to today as the Ìjẹ̀ṣà community developed from separate ethnic groups over a long period. Among the ethnic groups were the aborigines, the colonizers and the refugees. The aborigines include Ìtá (who was ruling Ìlemùré before the advent of Ọwá Obòkun) and his people in Ìlemùré, Ọba Ńlá (Ọba Onílá) and his household (whom Ọwálúṣẹ́ found at Inú Obé), Alàrè and his subjects at Ìlàrè, the Ẹ̀fọ̀n at Ìwòrì and a group of people at ìbòdì. The colonizers include the early Ọwá Obòkun of Ìjẹ̀ṣàland. Agigiri (the Ògbóni of Ìjẹ̀bujẹ̀ṣà) and Ọba Owá Ọlábidánrò at Ìpetujẹ̀ṣà. The refugees who were in greater number than the other two groups came from Ifẹ̀, Ìrèé, Èfọ̀n, Oǹdó, Ará, Lagos, Ìtaji and Ọ̀yọ́. The distinction between one group and another is no longer as pronounced as it was in the past. There is a greater sense of belonging today than in the far distant past.

          The heterogeneity of the Ìjẹ̀ṣà in the very early period of their establishment at Ilẹ́ṣà and in Ìjèsàland as a whole has been elucidated in some of their oral genres. Originally, the Ìjẹ̀ṣà could be regarded as an heterogeneous community kept under the banner of Ọwá Obòkun by sheer military and political prowess. But as more people fled their former abode to seek refuge in Ìjẹ̀ṣàland, common interest prevailed over cultural sentiment and a new outlook on culture which facilitated mixed acculturation superseded the previous heterogeneity.

          Even today, the ancient heterogeneity is evident in the cultural differences between the communities in the Obòkun and Àtàkúmọ̀sà (Local Government Councils) areas. This heterogeneity is also reflected in the various oral literary genres of the land. Although there are some genres that cut across the land, owing to the political influence of Ọwá Obòkun of Ìjẹ̀ṣàland, the bulk of the oral genres in Ìjẹ̀ṣàland is influenced by the ancient heterogeneity. This is even sometimes enhanced by dialectal imperviousness. The Ifẹ̀wàrà dialect ia s typical example. Although the Ìjẹ̀ṣà dialect has since undergone a unique transformation, the Ifẹ̀wàrà people seem to remain very much unaffected dialectally for two main reasons. Ifẹ̀/Ifẹ̀wàrà dialect has remained impervious to the influence of the surrounding dialects such as Ọ̀yọ́, Oǹdó, Ìjẹ̀ṣà and Èkìtì. Besides, the closeness of Ifẹ̀wàrà to Ifẹ̀ has made the Ifẹ̀wàrà people consider Ifẹ̀ as their home despite several political designs to break the link with Ifẹ̀. Their constant interaction with Ifẹ̀ has thus cemented their dialectal and cultural affinity with Ifẹ̀.

3.      Oral Literary Evidences of Sub-ethnic Interactions

          Olele remains the most popular oral genre among the Ìjẹ̀ṣà. Although it mainly deals with oríkì, it cannot be categorically labeled as the oríkì orílẹ̀ among the Ìjẹ̀ṣà rather, it is one of the modes of presentation of oríkì in Ìjẹ̀ṣàland. Other modes include Àdàmọ̀. Orin Òrìṣà, Orin Ogun and Orin Òkú. Consequently, oríkì is a parasitic genre which can be extracted from various oral genres. But it is the genre that most reveals the sub-ethnic interaction among the Ìjẹ̀ṣà Yorùbá.

          In Orin Ọwálúṣẹ́, the interaction with Ọ̀yọ́ is pointed out clearly as the chanter describes Ọwálúṣẹ́ as

                       

Èrò Ọ̀yọ́ ni bàbá rẹ̀

                   Ó kú ìdère;

                   Ọ̀yọ́ rẹ́ i s’Ọ́yọ́ alákoto

                   É i s’Ọ̀yọ́ Ìgùnnùgúnnù

                   Ọ̀yọ́ arítù-gbọ́n-nini

                   Ló bí ọ

                  

Father (Ọwálúṣẹ́) is related to Ọ̀yọ́

                   Ò kú ìdère; (Ìjẹ̀ṣà impression of Ọ̀yọ́ greetings)

                   Yours is not the wretched, pitiable looking Ọ̀yọ́

It is the Ọ̀yọ́ wets the gorgeous itù

dress with dew drops.

                   That has given birth to you.

          The mother of Ọwálúṣẹ́ is said to have been a princess in Ọ̀yọ́. Probably, Ọwálúṣẹ́ was the “young and brave son” of the royal family who “was appointed the first Ọwá of Iléṣà” (Johnson, 1921:20). The people were probably not called Ìjẹ̀ṣà until they settled at Ilẹ́ṣà under the leadership of Ọwálúṣẹ́ who was, at least, maternally related to the Aláàfin of Ọ̀yọ́.

         

          The affiliation of the Ìjẹ̀ṣà with Èkìtì is also reflected in the oríkì of Èfọ̀n Aláayè (an Èkìtì Community) and Ìgángán (an Ìjẹ̀ṣà Community) which is the same in content and form.

                             Ọmọn òkè ru-ìyọ̀

                             Kí mi yá fọnná

                             Oké sọra dọ̀tà.

                             Oke ruìyọ̀ kí mi yá fọnná

                             Yèsí òkè Àbèlú í tàn?

                             Mẹ́ fùgbá seè

                             Mẹ́ fàò seè

                             Mé rogùrò gàgààgà

                             Kí mi domi eè

                             Sálẹ̀de Alábàlú

                             Líjọ́ ọ̀tè, líjọ́ ogun

                             Lógògó ù gbòrògbòrò dinà

                             Àtijíẹ̀ tijíẹ̀

                             Ni mo ti béè lọmìtan….

          The offspring of the hill that smokes

          Inviting me to take fire

          But the hill changes to a rock

          Then invites me with its smoke to take fire

          I would not be deceived by Àbàlí hill

          I do not prepare eè mushroom with calabash

          Neither do I prepare it with plate

          I do not proudly stand

          To pour eè mushroom water

          In front of Àbàlú’s house

On the day of plotting; on the day of war

          Ògògó mushroom grows and spreads over the road.

          Since then,

          I have made a  covenant with eè mushroom.

The rocky features of Ẹ̀fọ̀n hills are still noticeable today. The Ìgángan area of Ìjẹ̀ṣàland does possess these geographical features. The allusion to Ẹ̀fọ̀n certainly shows the Ẹ̀fọ̀n (Èkìtì) origin of the Ìgángán community. The explanation of the historical allusions by the two communities differs drastically when applied to the political relationship which existed between them. Both communities accept their common origin as a fact of history but give variant reasons for their political separation.

          The Ìjẹ̀ṣà interaction with the Oǹdó is elucidatingly presented in the oríkì of Lórò, one of the senior chiefs in Ilẹ́ṣà. He is described as:

                  

                                      Ọmọ alájá í ṣe dáwọn ràwọn

                                      Lólùdó gbója

                                      Ibi an pòrógó í borí

                                      Ìjámọ̀ ni an bí lórí òtú mi.

                                      Ọmọ amínlà pẹkọ̀rọ̀ ukù

                                      Èrún Ilà ukù

                                      Ẹ̀jọ ni e lójú Èkí.

The offspring of one who possesses many dogs

In Oǹdó (Olùdó) land

Where dogs are offered to appease one’s destiny

Lórí òtú hails from Ìjámọ̀ (an Oǹdó town)

Offspring of one who decorates the belly with tribal marks

Five tribal marks on the belly

Eight on the face.

The allusions to Ìjámọ̀ (Olùdó), òrógó (dog) continue to remind the Ìjẹ̀ṣà of the original connection of the household of Lórò, an Ìjẹ̀ṣà high chief, with Oǹdó, another Yorùbá sub-ethnic group. Probably, this Ìjẹ̀ṣà family change their original Oǹdó tribal marks in order to put on a new communal look in their new abode where Ọwá Obòkun of Ìjẹ̀ṣàland gave them land to settle down after their leader was deprived of the royal title of Oǹdó.

          Apart from the families which originated from outside Ìjẹ̀ṣàland, marital interactions unite the Ìjẹ̀ṣà with some of their neighbours. In individual oríkì at marriage ceremonies and at burial obsequeses, inter-ethnic interactions are alluded to by the artists. The Yorùbá give the position of hegemony to the paternal male party while still recognizing the maternal contribution to the growth of the family. The two sides are codified in the Yorùbá adage:

                                      A kì í lápá baba

                                      Ká má nìí tiye

          One cannot possess paternal relations (lineage)

          Without possessing the maternal lineage.

Sometimes, within this structure, there could be a hidden identity of the paternal line if a child is declared a bastard. Every bastard in Yorùbáland would at least have the maternal lineage attributed to him/her. It is a pride to mention not only the maternal lineage but also the paternal one in the repertoire of oríkì. Hence an Ìjẹ̀sà artist registers this excerpt:

                             Màá kì ọ́ òsí

                             Màá yí gbíri bọ́tùn-ún rẹ a lọ

                             I will praise you to the left

                             And I will characterize you to the right.

However, the artist may capitalize on the popularized aspect of a person’s lineage be it paternal of maternal. No single artist has been able to master the ramificated aspects of all the lineages in every Yorùbá sub-ethnic group. The best the expert artists do is to attribute a partially monolineal characterization to any notable in the absence of a thorough socio-historical information about the notable.                       

Sometimes, an important family may preserve some brief allusions of characterization of their lineage and record them in order to utilize them on special ceremonial occasions. A typical example of such recorded characterization of oríkì is that of Sir Ọdẹ́lẹ́yẹ Fádáhùnsi, a public figure in Yorùbáland who hailed from Iléṣà in Ìjẹ̀ṣàland.

          In the oríkì attributed to him and his family, Fádáhùnsi was traced to Ẹ̀rìn Ìjẹ̀ṣà, Oǹdó, Àkúrẹ́, Òkè-ọ̀mọ̀, Adó-Èkìtì and Ìkọ̀lé-Ètìtì. To preserve the form and the content of the oríkì, and to show the inflow of sub-ethic interactions, I have included, in this pape, relevant excerpts from the oríkì which are not translated because they are rather long; the points to be noted are the underlined parts pointing out the inter-ethic interactions.

                  

                             Ọdẹ́lẹ́yẹ Fádáhùnsí

                             Mọ̀ nífá, mọ̀ lóògun

                             Awo dídú abùrọ́fá pèré (Ifá)

                             Òrìjọ́ àn í rugbó ewé

                             Ìn yá wòran awo l’ẹ́rìn

                             Ó fàdá ọ̀lẹ̀ sẹkùrọ̀

                             Ó fomi wẹba láòfin . . . .

                             Ọmọ ọ̀pá rẹ̀rẹ̀

                             Kéí sojú alálẹ̀ fo fò fo lérédì (Oǹdó)

                             Ọmọ Lórò aláje níkùn

                             Ọ́ kòjí ònìyàn nigò

                             Àsèyindé ogun

                             Ẹ́ jẹ̀ẹ́ kójí ọ̀níyàn sorò lúlé Èkí

                             Àtijíẹ̀ tijìẹ̀ ni Lóógùn ti kilo oyè,

                             Kọ́ í kọ́mọdé àn án a ṣe tara rian.

                             Èkí lade ugbó, Èkì jagun

                             Ọmọ arílà pekọ̀rọ̀ ukù

                             Ọmọ arílà pẹkọ̀rọ̀ mojú abẹ gún gègè èkùn Ìjámọ̀

                             Ẹ̀rún Ilà ukù, èjo ni e lójú Èkí

                             Ọmọ akọlà débi jagbala utan.

                             Ọmọ akọlà réré ùdí

                             Ọmọ akọlà dómù àyà lodì

                             Ọmọ akọlà mọ́ kọ̀yìn

                             Ni an fi í momọn Ọ̀túnba lókùn

                             Kí an wí kí Lóógun a ré ‘Jámọ̀

                             Ònìyàn á tún nílẹ̀ ẹ́.

                             Màá kì ọ́ òsì, …….

                             Màá yí gbíri bọ́tùn-ún rẹ a lọ.

                             Òréré pàṣe kẹ̀sìn

                             Àgbà Ẹgbẹ́-edì  mí rà òfin ọ̀sán (Ifẹ̀)

                             Òréré pàse kẹ̀sìn

                             Àgbà Ẹgbé-edi abèù àmù dú kẹ̀lẹ́

                             Oní jọ́lọ́ba kí é léù

                             Ó foó ùfọ́n jẹun ní mòyàn

                             Ọmọ aláyàn bi pàkàlà mẹfà

                             Ẹ̀ta lọ́ rọwá alẹ́,

                             Èjì rèkànsẹ̀ ọ̀úrọ̀

                             Ọ̀kàn kékeré orí rẹ̀

                             Ọ́ b’Ẹmìniwá gbùtẹ́    

                             Gbòrìgbò àyàn

                             Ó mí ṣe bí esi bàba rẹ, Ọ̀dẹ́lẹ́yẹ

                             Ọmọ eléù dídú ẹrunwa

                             Obìnrin yọ̀ọ́lé ní Mọ̀yàn.

                             Màá yí gbíri bọ́tùn-ún rẹ a lọ.

                             Ọ̀tún l’Ọ́mọ̀n mere afegun

                             Ọmọ àgbò lílá, abukù bẹkẹ̀ (Òkè-̣Ọ̀mọ̀)

                             Ó síwájú ìtá l’Oke Ọ̀mọ̀n

                             Ọ̀tún l’Ọ́mọ̀n orìjako-ẹyẹ

                             Ọmọ Olúmòrókò àgbé i ké

                             Agbe ó ké e líbẹ̀ ó ròkun

                             Àlùkò ó ké e líbẹ̀ ọ́ rọ̀ṣà

                             Màá kì ọ́ Òsì

                             Màá yí gbíri, bọ́tùn-ún rẹ a lọ

                  

Ọmọn ẹwàá dìran

Mọ̀sí Ìkọ̀lẹ́ ọmọn aládìẹ ọ̀fín rúbọ

Ara ulé mòkú asà

Ọmọn aseọ líla

É sì í bé í se á ìbílẹ̀ ria ni

Á bùkú tan, á bọkùnrùn tan

Ọmọn àṣá ugbó, kẹ́ jàádìyẹ ọba simi

Ọba lọ́ladìyẹ rẹ̀, ọba ló làṣá …

Our main thrust in this paper is sub-ethnic inter-actions. The emphasis in the above oríkì show the sub-ethnic interactions very vividly. Certainly, there is an extensive interaction in the lineage. However what is peculiar to Ìjẹ̀ṣà oríkì in contra-distinction to that of Ọ́yọ́ dialect areas is the town rather than personality interaction. In a single lineage oríkì in Ìjẹ̀ṣàland, there may be several sub-ethnic allusions as the one shown above which reveals the connections with Ifẹ̀, Ọ̀mọ̀n, Oǹdọ́, Àkúrẹ́, Adó-Èkìtì and Ìkọ̀lẹ́.

         

          In each allusion, the socio-cultural activities of the community is presented. Allusions are normally skeletal reference to the past events; only the culturally informed members of the community can competently enflesh the skeletal information. The outward movement for a choice of wife in a paternally oriented society facilitates proliferation of allusions into various sub-ethnic groups. The larger the family, the wider the opportunity of external interactions.

          Sometimes, a marital connection with Ààyé in Èkìtìland may extend the lineage to Ọ̀gbọ̀ (Ọ̀wọ̀) and even to Ifọ́n, thus infusing some extra dialectal nuances into the oríkì:

                             Ọmọ ọlọ́nà elèjì mọrìn

                             Ọmọ Ọlọ̀nà yẹ yẹ̀ yẹ upara ẹbọ

                             Ònà kàn-ún ti mógbèrè

                             Ònà kàn-án ti méji ó (Èkìtì)

                             Ìjòkò sòro yíyún

                             Ọmọ adágbàá jẹun titun

                             Ọmọ alátè

                             Àgbá ulé ra lí sùn sílè

                             Kè é ró bí íbọ̀n ..

          Dialectally, this excerpt is presented in Èkìtì dialect while the maternal allusion is rendered in Ọ̀gbọ̀ and Ifọ́n dialects:

                             Ọmọ kò ṣọba, kò ṣèùnkan

                             Ọmọ arógun dábìjẹ

                             Ọmọ èdìgbà baba àkún

                             Ọmọ kò sá, kò dóbẹ̀rù sá..) (Ọ̀gbọ̀) (Ọ̀wọ̀)

                   Ọmọ Òtúùrú tàbàlà

                   Ọmọ ọ̀tààrà fe hó lade gbàjà

                   Ọmọ an fọ́ngho bọ́ọní fọ́nkà

                   Ọmọ a-wẹ̀gbó bẹ́ní wẹ̀tóghò

                   Ọmọ mìjá mìjá mayẹ́kùn sọ́gbọ̀dọ̀          (Ifọ́n)

                   Ọmọ Owú gbingbín jagbẹ̀dẹ gbọ́ràn

                   Ọmọ a-pùbú ọlá

                   Ọmọ  abọlá tutu bí eji …

          Oríkì does not only point to matrimonial genealogy, it also exhibits the psychological behaviour, the geographical topography, commercial acumen and military traits.

         

          The Ìjẹ̀ṣà are characterized with their military exploits of the past in the excerpt from orin ogun below:

                   Ìjẹ̀ṣà re, arógunyọ̀

                   Yè sọ́ọ̀, gbọdọ̀

                   Fọọ́ kanmọ Obòkun

                   Here are the Ìjẹ̀ṣà

                   Who rejoice at war

                   Who would dare

                   To touch the offspring of Obòkun

Sometimes a collective oríkì may refer to the flora and fauna of the community’s environment and to the trade with which the community is associated.

                  

                   Ọwá ọmọ Obòkun léri

                   Ìjẹ̀ṣà modù apọ̀nàdà

                   Ìjẹ̀ṣà òsèré onílẹ̀ obì

                   Ìjẹ̀ṣà ò rídìí íṣáná

                   Ilé lerú ọwá ti í múná lọ sko

                   Ọmọ Olóbii wọ́wọ́ tiri wọ́

                   Ọmọ Olóbì wọ̀wọ̀ tiri wọ̀

                   Ọmọ Aláayè lókìtì Ẹ̀fọ̀n

                   Ọwá ọmọ Olódó idọ

                   Ó tòkìtì Ẹ̀fọ̀n wáà ṣoògùn

                   Ẹ̀jẹ́ lo wá gbà loò wale mọ́

                   Ọmọ Olódó idẹ.

The above excerpt makers mention of two of three different groups of Ìjẹ̀ṣà Community: the royal group, the Èkìtì-Ẹ̀fọ̀n herbal group, and the Ìjẹ̀ṣà Òṣèré. The excerpt is also a pointer to the heterogeneous nature of Ìjẹ̀ṣà Community. The hilly topography of Èkìtì-Ẹ̀fọ̀n, the obì (colanut) plant and the historical allusion to the sea are pointers to the flora and fauna not only of Ìjẹ̣̀ṣàland but of Èkìtìland and Lagos area. The commercial or trade interaction between the Èkìtì-Ẹ̀fọ̀n and the Ìjẹ̀ṣà is also noted in the excerpt.

          The emphasis on sub-ethic interaction in oríkì does not detract from the major focus of oríkì which is individual personality that the artist decides to place in the foreground. Conspicuously, it is the person that matters to the artist, all other things associated with him serve as background to the person that is being socially focused. We should however note that a good background contrasts very well with what is being focused in the foreground and makes it very conspicuous for admiration.

4.      Conclusion

          In this paper, we have shown the effect of the hetero-marital activity of the Yorùbá on their sub-ethnic interactions. The practice of oríkì in Ìjẹ̀ṣàland is not only dialectally different from the Ọ̀yọ́ speaking areas; it also reveals a peculiar town inter-relationship rather than mere lineage association. The current nature of the Ìjẹ̀ṣà sub-ethnic open door policy flows to many Yorùbá sub-ethnic groups and shows the Ìjẹ̀ṣà as highly accommodating in matrimonial issues and political incorporation (of disgruntled groups) into Ìjẹ̀ṣàland. Oríkí can always serve as pointer to the interrelationship and interdependence of the various Yorùbá sub-ethic groups. Oríkì, in Ìjẹ̀ṣàland has revealed that the Ìjẹ̀ṣà freely relate to the Ọ̀yọ́, Ifẹ̀, Oǹdó, Àkúrẹ́, Èkìtí, Ọ̀wọ́ and a host of other groups in Yorùbáland.

References

Ilésanmí. T.M. (1985), “Hearthstones: A cultural study of Songs in Ìjẹ̀ṣàland.”, Ph.D. Thesis, University of Ìbàdàn.

Jéjé, M.A. (1972), “A Contrastive Analysis of Ìjẹ̀ṣà Dialect and Standard Yorùbá.”, Long Essay for B.A. Degree in Yorùbá, University of Ìbàdàn.

Johnson, S. (1921), History of the Yorubas. Lagos: C.M.S. (Nigeria) Bookshops 1921.

Ọlájubù, O. (1974), “Iwi Egungun Chants: An Introduction”, Research in African Literatures Vol. 5, No. 1, pp. 31-51.

Ọlátúnjí, O.O. (1982), “Classification of Yorùbá Oral Poetry”, in Afọlayan, A. (ed.) Yorùbá Language and Literature. U.P.L. Ibadan and University of Ifẹ̀ Press.

Olatunji, O.O. (1973), “Yorùbá Oral Poetry: The Feature Types”, Spectrum, Monograph Series in the Arts and Sciences, Georgia, Vol. III, 1-33.

Ọlátúnjí, O.O. (1984), Features of Yorùbá Oral Poetry. Ibadan: University Press Limited.

Peel, J.D.Y. (1983), Ìjẹ̀ṣà and Nigerians: The Incorporation of a Yorùbá Kingdom 1890s-1970s.  Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Vidal, A.O. (1969), “Oríkì in Traditional Yorùbá Music”, African Arts, Vol. III. No. 1, 56-59.

Vidal, A.O. (1971), “Oríkì: Praise Chants of the Yorùbá”, M.A. Dissertation, U.C.L.A.

Yémiìtàn. O. (1963), Ijala Are Ọdẹ. Ìbàdàn : O.U.P.

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[1] An earlier version of this paper was published as Ilesanmi, T.M. (1989), ‘SUB-ETHNIC INTERACTIONS IN YORÙBÁ ORÍKÌ: THE ÌJẸ̀SÀ EXAMPLE’, Seminar Series 2, edited by T.M. Ilesanmi, L.O. Adewole and B.A Oyetade, pp. 34-61. Ile-Ife, Nigeria: Department of African Languages and Literatures, Obafemi Awolowo University.

[2] The major works on Yorùbá praise poetry (Oríkì) include: Babalọlá (1964/65, 1966a, 1966b, 1967), Beier and Gbadamọsi (1959), Beier (1970), Yémiìtàn (1963), Ọlátúnjí (1984), Ọlájubù (1974), Ilésanmí (1974, 1985), Vidal (1969, 1971), Adégbìtẹ́ (1978), Ayọ̀rinde (1973) and Barber (1979). I am aware of different cognomens which researchers gave to Yorùbá Oríkì. It may be impossible to have words that can appropriately connote the idea and the (Oratory) repertoires which the Yorùbá call Oríkì. The term “Praise Poetry” does not fully satisfy the intention depicted by oríkì since oríkì does not always praise, it characterizes a person, a thing or even a moral body.

[3] Those who have focused on the oríkì of the Ọ̀yọ́ speaking lineages include Babalọla, S.A. (1966), Ọlájubù, O. (1974), Vidal, A.O. (1969), Yémiítàn, O. (1963). Beier, H.U. (1970), Barber, K. (1979), Adégbítẹ́, A.M. (1978), Ayẹrinde, J.A. (1973). Pioneering works on Yorùbá Oríkì started from the Ọ̀yọ́ speaking Yorùbá sub-ethnic group

[4] They include the Ìjẹ̀bú, Ègùn/Àwórì, Ẹ̀gbá, Ìlàjẹ, Ifẹ̀, Ìjẹ̀sà, Oǹdó, Ọ̀wọ̀, Àkókó, Èkìtì, Ìgbómìnà, etc.

[5] In 1989.

[6] These include the Ifẹ̀, the Èkìtì, the Oǹdó, the Ọ̀yọ́, the Àkúrẹ́ and the Ìgbómìnà.