Yoruba for Academic Purpose: FUNCTIONS OF ORIN ARẸMỌ IN CHILD REARING PRACTICE AMONG THE YORÙBÁ PEOPLE

ỌLÁÍDÉ SHEBA[1]

1. Introduction

Orin Arẹmo[2], the lullabies of other lands and other cultures, are sung to infants by care-givers in order to assuage infants, especially, after proper feeding might have failed to achieve the desired effect.

Many works have been written on lullaby among different cultures. Finnegan (1970:299ff) deals with the content of lullaby and also finds out that such songs are only used by maids to express their minds about their masters’ behaviour. It therefore seems that the songs are not meant for babies.

Okot’s (1974:1) findings among the Acoli people of Uganda is similar to what operates within Yorùbá culture. Lapidi, as it is called, is sung by mothers and sisters.

Oyeṣakin (1981:37) in his own article, is only interested in the various uses we can put Orin Aṛẹmọ to in advertisement.

Contrary to Nead’s (1955:232) opinion, there is nothing in the wordings of Orin Arẹmọ that can threaten an infant who cannot speak yet. The same applies to Bowra’s (1962:170) suggestion that Orin Arẹmọ can be used to teach the infant. If at all there is any lesson in Orin Arẹmọ, such lesson is not directed to the speechless infant but to other listeners so as to let them know the mind of the singer.

So far, to my knowledge, there is no serious work on the various functions of Orin Arẹmọ, especially, among the Yorùbá people.

2. Child as the Focus of Orin Aremọ

The child, for the purpose of this study, falls within Piaget’s (1959) sensorimotor stage only, i.e., 0-2 years. The child is both a biological and a psychological being. As a biological being, it is a living being equipped with the following: a pair of ears to perceive auditory information from outside; a pair of eyes to perceive visual information from the environment; a vocal tract to express its feelings; and a brain, the core of the Central Nervous system which serves as the information processing house. As a psychological being, the child has a mind, i.e., a mental ability.

3.1. Direct Functions

The first and commonest function of Orin Arẹmọ is to lull a child. A crying infant is made quiet by rocking it or by singing to it; or both. This lulling can take place any time of the day. During the early morning bath, Orin Arẹmọ is sung to the baby to pacify it, e.g.

Ọmọ wẹ́ẹ́rẹ́ o

Ọmọ wẹẹrẹ

Ọmọ wẹ́ẹ́rẹ́ ò

Ọmọ wẹẹrẹ

Ọmọ lọ̀tìtà obìnrin o

Nílé ọkọ

Orí mi mọ́ gbọ̀tìàa tèmi

Ọmọ lèèrè.

Little children

Children are the seat of women

In the matrimonial home

May my destiny not remove my seat

Children are ones gain.

Ta ló bá mi lọ́mọ wí o?

Adedekún-dekún o[3]

Ìyá rẹ̀ ló bá a wí o

Adedekún-dekún o

Bàbá rẹ̀ ló ba a wi o

Adedekún-dekún o

Yéé ké o ọmọ

Ọmọ yéé ké.

Who scolds my child?

Adedekún-dekún o

His mother scolds him

Adedekún-dekún o

His father scolds him

Adedekún-dekún o

Stop crying child

Child; stop crying

When the child hears such songs which are definitely reiterated and it senses the body movement of the singer including dancing and other gestures accompanying the song, the child becomes happy and stops crying.

Infant communicates. According to Lieberman (1967:41):

Although human infants are speechless, they communicate by means of sound from the moment of birth onward… the most characteristic sound of the new born is the cry.

This ‘cry’ comes with a purpose, Lieberman (ibid.) continues that

… the infant ‘cry’ is an attention getting device… a parent must interfere with the baby’s crying: this sound is too annoying to be tolerated beyond a short period of time.

When contented and well fed, the child produces a sound full of pleasure but when hungry, hot, cold, wet, feeling sleepy or in pain, it gives a painful sound to draw the attention of the care-giver to itself and make her remove the source of pain which brought about the cry. If the baby wants its food, the care-giver sings to the baby while getting its food ready. One of such songs can be:

Wándé Wándé

Eku ọ fi máa jiyán

N mọ máa pa.

Wándá Wándá

The rat with which you will eat pounded yam

I am about to kill.

Ọmọ mi mọ́ sunkún mọ́

Mọ́ sunkún mọ́

Ṣebí mo ti bẹ̀ ọ́ lẹ́ẹ̀kun

Lẹ́ẹ̀kan

Àmọ́ ọ láṣejù lọ́wọ́

Ọ mí a láṣejù lọ́wọ́

Ọmọ aláṣejù lo jẹ́.

My child, stop crying

Stop crying

I have begged you once

Once

But you over-do things

You always over-do things

You are an obstinate child.

If the baby is finding it difficult to sleep or if it wants to stool, the care-giver may take one or all of the following actions to accompany the singing of Orin Arẹmọ wherever possible:

- carrying the baby on her back or shoulder or laps

- patting its buttocks or back

- dancing round while singing songs like:

Ijó ọmọ mò ń jó

É è síjó ẹlẹ́yà lẹ́sẹ̀ mi

Ijó ọmọ mò ń jó.

I am dancing for my child

I don’t use my legs to dance a contemptible dance

I am dancing for my child

Ọmọ ọ̀n mi ò

Akúrúbetekúbe

Ọmọ̀ mi ò

Akúrúbetekúbé

Bí ò kú ò

Màá raṣẹ hún ọ

Bí ò rùn o

Màá rẹ̀gbà ọrùn

Ẹ̀gbà orùn níí yẹmọ lóre

Ẹrú mọ rà

Láá pọ̀n ọ́ a ká o

Akúrúbetekúbe.

My child

Akúrúbetekúbe

My child

Akúrúbetekúbé

If you do not die

I will buy clothes for you

If you are not sick

I will buy bracelets for you

Bracelets fit good children

The slave I bought

Will carry you about on her back

Akúrúbetekúbe

The above devices and gestures combine to make Orin Arẹmọ functional, thereby lulling the child to sleep or making it easy for the child to stool.

Another direct function of Orin Arẹmọ is its use for playing with the infant. The care-giver may want to play with the child. So with the child on her laps or on the bed, the care-giver sings to its enjoyment. Such songs are full of prayers both for the mother and the child. They also sometimes express the expectation of the mother, e.g.,

Wándé ń kọ́ o?

Ó wa álé o

Kó mọ́ suú pọ̀

Kó mó ṣàìsu

Kó m gbóná janjanjan

Kó mó tutu ninini

Kó rí yọ̀tọ̀yọtọ bí ẹmọ́ Òyìnbó

A ṣe è wò fún yèyé rẹ o

A sé é wò fún bàbá rẹ o.

Where is Wándé?

He is in the house

May he not have diarrhoea

May he pass stool normally

May he not have temperature

May he not have cold

May he be as fat as the white man’s brown rat

Let it be possible for the mother to care for it

Let it be possible for the father to care for it.

Kí mo mí roko

Èmi ọmọ̀ mi ni

Kí mo mí rodò

Èmi ọmọ mi ni

Mẹ jẹ́ kọ́ni mẹ́ mọ̀

Lá gbọ́mọ mi lọ o

Sọ́ọ́ muyàn

Ọmọ lade orí o

Sọ́ọ́ muyàn

Ọmọ lade orí o o o.

If I am going to the farm

It is with my child

If I am going to the riverside

It is with my child

I cannot allow a stranger

To carry my child away

Will you breastfeed

Child is one’s glory

Will you breastfeed

Child is one’s glory.

When the child is about ten months old, it is ready to walk. It walks with varying amount of stimulation and assistance from other people. The mother holds its two hands while facing the child and sings such Orin Arẹmẹ as

Tẹ̀ẹ̀tẹ́ ni ọmọ í se hún yẹ̀yé rẹ̀

Tẹ̀ẹ̀tẹ́ o

O tó loyún lé o

O tó gbàgbúrò

Tẹ̀ẹ̀tẹ́ o

Gently, that is how a child performs for its mummy.

Gently

It’s time the mother is pregnant again

It’s time you have a younger one

Gently.

The child therefore steps out to the rhythm of the song. This is not to say that Orin Arẹmọ is used to teach the infant. As stated earlier, the infant is speechless and cannot comprehend adult language but it can, from the age of three months onward, respond positively to friendly tones and negatively to angry ones. Moreso, Georgious (1969) has pointed out that:

Child respond to poetry whether they understand the words or not for it is considered a language that is natural to childhood.

But as the child grows and begins to acquire language, Orin Àrẹmọ can also serve as a method of language acquisition for the child. From the songs, the child is able to pick the sounds in the language in which the songs are rendered. These are usually those with nonsense formatives which are only used to fill in rhythm and tune. Such nonsense formatives from which the child quickly picks the sounds in the language are underlined in the example below:

Taylolu ọmọ ọba

Járìgì jágbọ́ńbọ́

Mọ́kànyìndé ọmọ ọba

Járìgì jábọ́ńbọ́

Teyalolu, child of the king

Járìgì jábọ́ńbọ́

Mọ́kànyìndé, child of the king

Járìgì jábọ́ńbọ́

Panbotòríbótó

Mọ gbọ́mọ jó

Panbotòríbótó

Mọ gbọ́mọ jó o

Pamúpamù

Jirìjigì

Pamúpamù

Jigíjigì.

Panbotòrìbótó

I dance while carrying my child

Panbotorìbótó

I dance while carrying my child

Pamúpamù

Jigíjigì

Pamúpamù

Jigíjigì

This supports what Miltorn (1987:11) pointed out about what Kenyatta (1938) had earlier said concerning lullabies that:

The whole history and tradition of the family and clan are embodied (in lullabies), and by hearing these lullabies daily, it is very easy for the children to assimilate this early teaching without strain. Lullabies are not soothing distractions intended to lull the child to sleep, but on the contrary, they are composed as forms of direct instruction.

3.2. Indirect Functions

The indirect functions that Orin Arẹmọ performs occur when the singer uses the infant as a cover up to sing proverbial songs which are, infact, not directed to the infant but to other people within earshot with whom she has a conflict. In Yorùbá society, house helps, neighbours and co-wives partake in child rearing. In fact, the pattern of mother-child relationship has changed nowadays from the traditional pattern. The housemaid’s care is now replacing the traditional mother care in most homes. This is essentially an inadequate substitute since the maids are themselves under stress and are inadequately prepared for the task of mothering. The result of this is obvious on the child. The child thus receives only limited physical attention from the mother. It also has very little personal or emotional interaction with the mother. Therefore, when the mother is not around or when she neglects the child for one reason or the other, and the child starts crying, the neighbour or housemaid may render such songs as:

Gba woroworo (2ce)

Ìyá rẹ ń se mìlíkì lọ́ọ́

Gba woroworo.

Take your toy (2ce)

Your mother is enjoying inside

Take your toy.

Although the melody of the song will actually lull the baby but in the actual sense, the singer is passing a message across to the mother who is busy doing one thing or the other inside the room (in fact, she is supposed to be enjoying herself with her husband).

Orin Arẹmọ can be used indirectly again to reprimand and to accuse anyone who misbehaves. If, for example, the father shows signs of weaning before the child is of age, the mother can pass the message on when the father is around by singing:

Tọ́pẹ́ Tọpẹ

Tètè dàgbà

Ojù ń kán ọkọ ) 2ce

Tọ́pẹ́ Tọ́pẹ́

Grow up quickly )2ce

Husband is very anxious.

Also, if the husband is an adulterous man, similar song can be directed to him by the wife for his waywardness.

Among co-wives, Orin Arẹmọ is commonly used to attack and curse each under the pretence of lulling the child. An example is one rendered by a woman to attack her mate.

Àbùkù ni tiwọn

A ó fi kàn wọ́n o )2ce

Ọní rojọ́ ẹlẹ́jọ́

Á fara gbọta

Ọní sọ̀rọ̀ Àmọ̀kẹ́

Á wọ wàhálà

Afasẹ́ gbèjò ọ́ tanra rẹ̀ jẹ.

Contempt is theirs

We shall accord them)2ce

Anyone who gossips will be fired

Anyone who discusses issues relating to Amọkẹ

Will be in trouble

A treacherous person is deceiving herself.

4. Summary and Conclusion

The various uses into which Orin Arẹmọ is put have been enumerated in relation to child rearing practice among the Yorùbá people. These are the direct and indirect functions it performs. It should be noted, however, that it is the rhythm of each song which induces the body movement of the performer. Dancing and other gestures which almost always accompany the song are among other ingredients that make Orin Arẹmọ perform its desired function of lulling the speechless infant.

Bibliography

Bowra, C.M. (1962), Primitive Song. New York: New Americal Library.

Fommegan R, (1970), Oral Literature in African. Nairobi: O.U.P.

Georgious, C. (1969), Children and Their Literature. London: Prentice Hall Inc., Englewood Cliffs. Children and Their Literature.

Lieberman, P. (1967), Intonation, Perception and Language. Cambridge, Massachusetts: MIT Research Monograph No. 38, The MIT Press.

Mead, M. & Wolfenstein, M. (ed.) (1955), Childhood in Contemporary Cultures. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.

Milton, N.A. (1987), “Instructional Media in African Traditional Education”, Adult Education and Development: A Journal of the German Adult Education Association (DVU) No. 29, October, pp, 9-20.

Ọkot, p’Bitek (1974), Horn of My Love. London: Heinemann.

Oyeṣakin, A (1981), “Categories and Functions of Yorùbá Oral Poetry for Children”, The Nigerian Language Teacher 4, 2:37-46.

Piaget, J. (1959), The Language and Thought of the Child, 3rd edition. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul.

Sheba, J.O. (1988), “Orin Arẹmọ ní Àárín Ifè àti Ìjẹ̀ṣà.”, M.A. Thesis. Ile-Ifẹ: Ọbafẹmi Awolọ́wọ University.

[1] This paper was published as Sheba, Olaide (1989), ‘Functions of Orin Arẹmọ in Child Rearing Practice among the Yoruba People’, Seminar Series 2, edited by T.M. Ilesanmi, L.O. Adewole and B.A. Oyetade, pp. 61-82. Ile-Ife, Nigeria: Department of African Languages and Literatures, Obafemi Awolowo University.

[2] Songs used as examples in this work are collected from Ifẹ̀ and Ìjẹ̀ṣà areas.

[3] Adedekún-dekún o’ is best regarded as a nonsense word that has no meaning. However, its sounds and rhythmic patterns have soothing effects on the child.

Yoruba for Academic Purpose

Tuesday, 23 August 2016

FUNCTIONS OF ORIN ARẸMỌ IN CHILD REARING PRACTICE AMONG THE YORÙBÁ PEOPLE

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