ALIENATION AND HEGEMONY IN ABIODUN'S ADÌYẸ BÀ LÓKÙN

Lere Adeyemi[1]

1.         Introduction

Literary Sociologists such as Prawer (1976) uphold that literature is neither an acropolis nor a walled city that exists in isolation. The Russian formalists of the thirties and, in their wake, the Semiologists of the Prague School (Mukarovsky) and the current school of Sociology of Literature, have shown that society, in relation to literature, is like a rich cluster of socio-cultural, economic and ideological directions that, with more or less intensity, influence the literary system because they form part of the collective consciousness.

Prawer (1976: 11) claims that the value of literary works transcends ordinary aesthetics of literature. Rather, they are of value in that they serve as documents of socio-ideological process of the social dynamics or the social stasis of culture in general. Davidnang (1972: 67) contends that literature is not just a reflection, rather, it is a projection of the people's aspiration for the future, Ìṣọ̀lá (1989: 262) agree with Davidnang (op. cit.) when he says

Iṣẹ́ ọnà bí ìtàn àròsọ ti di ohun pàtàkì tí ó jẹ ìránṣẹ́, tí a lè fi tún àwùjọ ṣe. Kí ó tó wúlò gidi, yóò ṣe ju pé kí ó kàn máa ṣàpèjúwe ohun tó ń ṣẹlẹ̀ lójú ayé lásán lọ. Kò níí fi mọ níbi àlàyé ohun tí ó ń ṣẹlẹ̀ nípa títu àṣírí àwọn arẹ́nijẹ. Ó níláti sọ̀rọ̀ akitiyan ẹ̀dá láti borí ìṣòro àtọwọ́dá, láti taari agbada ẹ̀tàn kúrò lórí ara wọn, kí ó sì fi ọ̀nà tí wón lè gbà borí ìṣòro wọn hàn wọ́n.

(Literary work such as the novel has become an important weapon that can be used to restructure the society. Before it can be made relevant, it must be more than mere reflection of what goes on in the society or merely exposing the oppressor. It must discuss people's attempt to overcome the man-made problems and it must show how they can overcome the oppressors.

Ògúnsínà (1995: 297) rightly states that the kernel of literary sociology is that literature does not only reflects, it affects the society. A writer does not just reflect the society, he responds and reacts to socio-political and economic changes of his time. The thrust of this paper is to examine Abíọ́dún's posture in Adìyẹ Bà Lókùn vis-a-vis alienation and hegemony in our contemporary Nigerian society under the Military rulers.

2.          Theoretical Framework

The theoretical framework for this study is described and labelled in Goldmann (1964) and Bouaziz (1967) as 'Genetic Structuralism' or Structuralist Marxist'. Marxist literary critics such as Bouaziz and Goldmann have written extensively on the structuralist Marxism approach. By 'genetic', they mean historically-based literature, that is, literature as a social fact is to be understood in terms of its origin and development, in terms of its 'genesis'. By structuralism, they mean a holistic approach which sees social reality as a totality. A work of art is composed of parts in particular relationship to each other; at the same time, such work of art is itself a part of a larger whole. The parts can only be understood by referring to the whole, while to understand the whole, the parts have to be examined.

The theory is interested in examining the structural relation between social contents and the contents of a literary work. It asks questions as 'do strict ties exist between social-economic and literary structures and, if so, on what level and with what instruments is it possible to nail down the homology concretely, to individuate the correspondences?'

Paramount to this theory is the concept of 'world view'. According to Goldmann (1964) and his adherents, the writer belongs to a specific group in his society. He carries to an advanced level of coherence the rudimentary structure elaborated by the group or - better - the 'processus de structuration of the group' (Goldmann 1964: 4); thus, his literary work comes to represent, although the activity of an individual awareness, a collective awareness. This thesis agrees with Karl Marx's comments on writers. He says in the Communist Manifesto that

Your very ideas are outgrowth of the conditions of your bourgeois production and bourgeois property. And if writers are in a way a product of their society, and their social group for whom they write, those social groupings in their turn are affected by the writings they have indirectly produced. (Quoted in Prawer 1976: 142).

According to this theory, a prolific writer is expected to express the grievances of  his class in his work. Thus, the difficulties and problems the writer and his social group encounter would be depicted in the characters of his novel. One of the adherents of this theory, namely, Selden (1985) states that whatever the writer presents in his literary work is a collective grievance or ideas rather than his own individual ideas. He says that such ideas

... are based on trans-individual mental structures belonging to particular groups (or classes ...). Such mental structures' images usually remain ill-defined and half-realised in the consciousness of social agents, but great writers are able to crystallise world views in a lucid and coherent form. (Quoted from Ìṣọ̀lá 1989: 263).

Opponents of this theory, namely, Koehler and Corti (1978: 12) agree that Genetic structuralism establishes relationship between the genesis of a work and its structure. The theory acknowledges the reality of a work of art. Koehler and Corti (1978: 12) agree that the thinking of a class or a social group is deficient in explaining and analysing the problems the society encounters is a whole.

The argument of Koehler and Corti (1978) against Genetic structuralism may not be totally wrong but it may not stand the test of time if subjected to vigorous examination because the malfunctioning of the subsystem in the system or structure will affect the existence of the whole organism or system. If the substructure is affected and adequate and effective remedial actions do not occur, the entire system will move out of equilibrium. This is what Ogunjimi (1987: 6) calls social  dysfunctionality which is synonymous with alienation.

The Nigerian political, social and economic structures (or system) have moved out of equilibrium in recent years. The instability affects the social groups, namely, the intellectual class and the low class - peasants. Abiodun belongs to the intellectual class, which, until recently, enjoys immunity from poverty and alienation, his literary work seems to protect his class against the Military rulers by presenting what Goddamnn (1964) calls the 'world view' of his social group. It is against this background that we examine the theory of alienation and hegemony in Adìyẹ Bà Lókùn.

3.          Theoretics and Ideology of Alienation and Hegemony

Karl Marx links his theory on alienation with hegemony, which has the principle of leadership by domination. Domination, according to Max Weber (1978: 90), refers to power relation in which the ruler or the person who impresses his will on others believes that he has the right to the exercise of power and also, in which the ruled consider it their duty to obey his order. We shall consider the concepts as leadership by domination and alienation.

The theory of alienation is the intellectual construct in which Karl Marx displays the devastating effect of capitalist production on human beings; on their physical and mental states on the social processes of which they are a part. The alienated person, according to Bertell (1976:202), becomes an 'abstraction'. The life activity of the alienated individual is qualitatively of a kind, his actions in politics are distorted and brutalised as his productive activity. Mutual exploitation is the rule among the ruling class. To the ruling class, other people are mere objects of use, their wishes and feelings are never considered.

The individual in such a society is also said to be withdrawn into himself wholly pre­occupied with his private interest and acting in accordance with his private caprice. People react to one another in inhuman ways. People scramble for their own personal success while being indifferent to the plight of others. Man's inhumanity to man is taken as a virtue.

The forms of alienation differ for each class because their positions and style of life differ. However, the common man's affliction is the most severe. Renato Poggioli, in his well-articulated book, The Theory of Avant-Garde, quoted by Ogunjimi (1987: 2), identifies the following forms of alienation: economic, social, political, psychological, aesthetic and ethical alienation. Economic alienation occurs when man becomes a slave to the product of his sweat. Alienation is a product of the exploitation of labour, i.e. he has no control over what he makes or what becomes of it afterwards. The ruling class manipulates the workers to work without giving them job satisfaction. They control the available material resources, services rendered to the majority are slimmed almost into nothingness. Hunger predicates the catastrophic signature of alienation on the body and soul.

The actual institutions of the state exercise a hostile domination over the individual. The masses are constantly terrorised by the State apparatus via the law enforcement agents, the secret intelligence, the courts, prisons and detention camps. Bertell (1976: 132) states that one ‘of the manifestations of alienation is that all is under the sway of inhuman power'.

4.          The Society of the Author between 1983-1993 and His Social Group

It is essential to examine the author's social group in relation to the state of affairs in his society before we explore and compare the plot structure of the novel with the structure of his society. Abíọ́dún, the author of the novel, belongs to the intellectual class. He teaches Yorùbá language at Ondo State University, Ado-Ekiti. He hails from Ilofa, in Kwara State. Ìlofa is noted for political consciousness, extensive agricultural orientation and it is very rich in Yorùbá culture.

Between 1983 and 1993 when Abíọ́dún wrote Adìyẹ Bà Lókùn, there were political, economic and social instability in the country. The economic recession coupled with financial mismanagement during the civilian government between 1979-1983 lead to various economic policies such as austerity measures, rationalisation of workers, banning of essential commodities and reduction of government subsidies to institutions  of higher learning. The masses were generally fed up with the government that was described as 'inept and corrupt'.

The intention of the populace to use the voters' cards to change the government failed. The election that followed in 1983 was a ridicule of democracy. The attendant violent demonstrations in many parts of the country gave the Military boys the signal to strike and hijack the government.

The Military class thereby abandoned its traditional role of maintaining social order and protecting national integrity. The government of Buhari-Idiagbon was short-lived because of what many Nigerians regarded as Military-high-handedness. The coup which brought General Babangida to power has been described by political commentators as a 'palace coup'. Onimode (1982: 203), a renowned Nigerian Marxist political economist, castigates the Military for exploiting the bourgeois ideology as a mask to hide the true exploitative class interest (which) they gratuitously dished out and implemented (as) blatant neo-colonial capitalist programme. He continues that "... while the Military advertises ... itself as guardians, as the repository of patriotism, its hegemony is characterised by neo-colonial capitalist entrenchment, bureaucratisation, corruption, extravagance and repression'.

The Military government, between 1985 and 1993 adopted various methods to soothe the wiling nerves of the depressed masses in the wee hours of its reign. Respected members of the intellectuals and the business class were included in the Federal and State Cabinets. Populist programmes such as the National Directorate of Employment were put in place. It is however sad to note that most of these programmes, good as they may be, end up in enriching the purse of a few individuals.

Having consolidated its position through inducements of traditional rulers and the intellectual class in government, it embarks on the programme of silencing the enemies of the government. Coup plotters are rounded up and summarily executed.

The Military structure was re-organised. The office of the Supreme Headquarters was abolished and the Military nomenclature - 'Head of State' was changed to "Military President'. The militarization of the Nigerian economy based on Imperialism actually started, numerous economic plans and policies such as the removal of oil subsidy were put in place.

The University lecturers' special scale has become irrelevant. When people started to agitate for a return to civil rule, the Military government decided to consolidate its position through a political agenda that was carefully planned to fail. The 'New Breed Democracy or Grassroot Polities' was fashioned out by the intellectual class to which Abiodun belonged. By the time the transitional programme come to an end on June 12, 1993, the Military itself could assess but not diffuse the tension of economic bankruptcy and political logjam. The frustration and sense of hopelessness was nearly written on the faces of the masses including the egg-heads in the institution of higher learning when in its characteristic method of drilling the country, the leadership annulled the June 12, 1993 Presidential election which Chief M K O Abiola was set to win.

The social impoverishment, squalor and the sense of insecurity in the national life indicates alienation. The social class of Abíọ́dún - the Academic Staff Union of Nigerian Universities, the union generally respected has been proscribed many times, members threatened with sack letters and constantly under repression.

With the annulment of the Presidential election of June 12, 1993, the masses has no other option than to show the discontentment through demonstrations, riots, strikes, boycotts and civil unrest. Thus, the civil servants, market women, peasant farmers, students, taxi-drivers, petroleum workers, notably , the NUPENG embarked on boycotts and strikes. The Military Government, which described itself as the 'master of violence', used state apparatus such as the police and the soldiers to stop the disturbances. However, the Military President 'stepped aside' hurriedly and shamefully but he replaced himself with the interim government, a replacement which led to another round of unrest in the country.

Abíọ́dun recreates these socio-political events and reacts in several ways to the military domination of every facet of Nigerian life - political, social and economic - which led to the alienation of the masses in Adìyẹ Bà Lókùn.

5.         The Portrayal of Alienation and Hegemony in Adìyẹ Bà Lókùn

The title of the novel is a shortened form of the proverb, ‘Adìyẹ bà lókùn, ara ò rokùn ara ò radìyẹ (The fowl perches on a rope, the rope is unsteady and the fowl feels uneasy). The setting of the novel is carefully handled to reflect the village and urban life in Nigeria, both in its physical, social and human aspects. Events take place in various places such as Boripe, Odibo, Lagos and lyeye which is the seat of government. The story starts in lyeye which has a rural setting. Traditional practices such as rituals and sacrifices are common.

As the story progresses, the setting changes, especially, with the enthronement of a new king. The former mode of selecting a new king is side-tracked. The new method becomes a forceful usurpation just like the Military take-over of government. The setting becomes gripped by a grim and gloomy tension created by the new entrant to the throne, i.e. Ọláwùmí, the new king. He is a police officer. By his training and profession, he is supposed to protect the citizens and maintain law and order. His father, Ọ̀súnkẹ́yẹ, reminds him of all these when he heard about his ambition.

Ọláwùmí teams up with some notable king-makers such as Ọ̀tunba, Ejiro and Jagun to frustrate Adéwọlé, the rightful heir, who represents the Alafara family, and snatch the throne from him. It becomes easy for Ọláwùmí to get to the throne because of the various assistance he gets from Afaa Morire, his spiritual consultant, Sèúdù, a senior Police Officer, Iyeye elites such as Adéoye, Ikúbọlájẹ́ and some traditional rulers in neighbouring town. In the author's society, whenever the Military takes over the reigns of the government from the civilian administration, they are usually greeted with pomp and pageantry. Musicians of various background wax records for the Military leaders in Nigeria. Abíọ́dún depicts this in the novel especially when Ọláwùmí is officially enthroned as the new Oniyeye of Iyeye.

As soon as Ọláwùmí gets to the throne, the tempo of action in the story starts to rise. He brings major changes into the socio-political and economic structure of Iyeye. Intellectuals and the business class are brought into the traditional council. The elite stand as the think-tank to the king. Ìsòbò, the personal friend of the king (a former Police Officer), becomes the economic adviser. Many committees and task forces are set up under the National Union of Ẹgbẹ́ Ọmọ Iyeye – Iyeye Descendants' Union. Launching ceremonies are organised by the elites, prominent of who are Ikúbọlájẹ́, Adéoyè, Ayọ̀dèjì, Abọ́dúndé, in co-operation with the king.

Politicians, business tycoons and rich citizens are invited for launching ceremonies. The purpose of the launching ceremonies is to accumulate enough money for the upliftment of education in the town, the building of a new palace and the maintenance of the town's infrastructural facilities. The populist programmes of Ọláwùmí at the beginning of his reign make him popular among the elites. As soon as he consolidated his political hegemony, he starts to show his true character. He dissolves the traditional council of Iyeye. Osilu, Olúwo and Ọjọmu are removed. Adéoyè, the king's benefactor, removes Ejiro who died of illness. This has similarity with the method the Military government in Nigeria always adopts in dissolving and re-organising the Supreme Military Council, AFRC, Federal Executive and the changing of the State Governors.

The king embarks on reckless spending of the state money. Money collected during various launching ceremonies disappears into private hands just as the various dividends collected on different economic programmes such as privatisation, removal of oil subsidy and Gulf war oil benefits disappeared into the purse of Military rulers. When Ọláwùmí has exhausted the state purse, he gets a huge loan from various people including his friend, Isobo, to invest on poultry. The business failed woefully just as the economic programmes of the Military government such as the Structural Adjustment (SAP) failed.

The people of Iyeye start demanding for their money. The grinding machine of neo-fascism is at work in the novel as a means of hegemony consolidation. The king snatched the wife of Adéwọlé. People who are against the king disappear at once. State apparatus are given the power to intimidate and implicate the potential and actual opposition of the king and his government.

The re-constituted union of Ẹgbẹ́ Ọmọ Iyeye is regarded as unpatriotic and dissidents by the king, hence, they are constantly embarrassed. The Principal of Iyeye Grammar School raises money on his own to buy laboratory equipment without any assistance from the government of the king. The king confiscates the land of Alafara family because of a conflict over the land between them and the Ọlọ́jẹ̀ẹ́ family. Adéwọlé is accused of murder and, without any thorough investigation, he is imprisoned for five years. The general repression creates an aesthetic culture of silence and submission.

The masses are fed up with the reign of terror. The masses, especially those at Ilé-Alafara, constitute themselves into a revolutionary class and attempt to negate the thesis of oppression during Ọláwùmí's reign but they fail. They fail because the king is able to utilise the state apparatus effectively to suppress the uprisings. All these could be likened to the SAP riot and the post June 12 1993 election annulment which ended in a violent demonstration. Although the king could not be forcefully removed, he no longer enjoys the usual support of the people.

People are hungry and angry. Life is no longer safe. The Police terrorise during the day through taking of bribes while thieves and armed bandits intimidate during the night. The author comments that ‘Báyìí ni ìlú gbẹ̀kan fún tọba tìjòyè, tí ó gbóná janjan fún tẹrú tọmọ. Ọ̀rọ̀ wá di adìyẹ bà lókùn ara ò rokùn ara ò rọdìyẹ. Ilé le, okó ro, Iyeye wá korò jogbojogbo ó kan bí ìbó’ (p. 92) (Thus, life becomes unbearable for the rulers; it is hotter for the ruled. The situation becomes the fowl perches on a rope, the rope is unsteady and the fowl feels uneasy, life is hard at home, it is worse in the farm, Iyeye is so bitter like the seed of ibo).

When the pressure becomes too much for the king, he decides to reduce the time he spends in governing the town. He becomes a hunter and spends much of his time in the forest just as the Military government constituted the Transitional Committee which reduces the public utterances of the Military President. He tricks the traditional council to endorse a document which makes his heir to become the next king of Iyeye. Ọláwùmí later dies of bullet wounds from his gun during a hunting expedition. The day coincides with the day Adéwọlé regains his freedom. The novel ends on a tragic note. All attempts to change the ruler-ship of Iyeye afterwards prove abortive. Adéwọlé does not have access to the throne. However, all those characters that constitute themselves as the oppressors are disgraced at the end.

6.         Structural Homologies in Adìyẹ Bà Lókùn and the Author's Society

The plot construct of the novel is very simple. The writer employs the classical plot method defined by Aristotle as that which has a beginning, a middle and an end. In this case, the framework of the plot is organised to achieve this wholesomeness. Such a plot is arranged to move from exposition to complication, rising actions, climax, falling actions and point of catastrophe. This is in consonant with Goddamnn (1964) about structural homologies, i.e. identifying the structures of the novel and comparing it with the structure of the writer's society. We can then see the similarity between the author's society, his social class and the events in the novel. However, what is novel in Abíọ́dún's literary work is the revolutionary presentation of human situations, the depth of feelings and sincerity with which he expresses the plight of the common man.

He identifies some categories of people as instruments of alienation in our society. These are the soldiers and policemen represented by Ọláwùmí, Unchendu and Sèídù. The intellectual class who find themselves in government such as Abọ́dúndé, Adéoyè, Ikúbọlájẹ́, Lawyer Osùọlálé and the rich politicians. Ikubolaje was a teacher before he became influential in Iyeye government. Adeoye was a civil servant before he becomes Ejiro of Iyeye. They serve as the propaganda machinery of Ọláwùmí.

The police in the novel, just as in the society of the writer, are extremely corrupt. The author states that ‘Ọjọ́ karùn-ún tí Ọláwùmí rí Sèídù ni òun, Ọ̀túnba àti Ejiro padà wá sí bárékè láti rí Sèídù ní ilé. Tọwọ́tẹsẹ̀ ni ó gbà wón pẹ̀lú ẹbọ ọpẹ́ tí wón mú wá (p. 34). (On the fifth day, Ọláwùmí, Ọ̀túnba and Ejiro come back to the barrack to pay a visit to Seidu at his quarter. He welcomes them cheerfully after which he was given a gift as mark of appreciation). The police depend on extortion of money from the innocent citizens. They have no modern weapons to combat crimes. It is easier for them to face and attack the innocent harmless citizens than to arrests hardened criminals. Thus, one of the characters in the novel laments that ‘Ààbò ẹnikẹ́ni kò sí lọ́wọ́ ọlọ́pàá àyàfi tí a bá fẹ́ máa tan ara wa jẹ. Ǹjẹ́ ọlọ́pàá dá ààbò bo ara wọn ná?... àkùkọ ọlọ́pàá kìí jẹ àgbàdo owó níí jẹ (p 48) (the police cannot guarantee the security of anybody, unless we are deceiving ourselves. Can the police protect themselves? .... The police's cock never eats grain but money). The author depicts the police and the Sanitary Inspectors as instruments of oppression, alienation and for consolidating the military hegemony.

The judiciary constitutes another group which contributes to the socio-political and psychological alienation of the masses. The author does not make a direct comment on this group but through the events, we are able to see how the judiciary perverts the course of justice. When the Police accuse Adéwọlé of murder and stealing, there is no serious investigation at all before he is sentenced to five years imprisonment. There is no investigation at all during the land-conflict between the Alafara's family and the Oloje's. Just like the election result of 1993 which was annulled, the judiciary never investigated the background to the annulment.

The writer also identifies the oppressed, the alienated and the opposition. They are mostly illiterates, peasants, women and children. Examples are the school Principal, Adéwọlé, Oluawo, Adebimpe, Adéwọlé's wives and children and the jobless youths. They suffer deprivation, hunger, neglect and injustice. They are constantly harassed by government security agents; they pay tax but have no reward. When social groups are denied justice, it results into protests which escalate into calamitous proportion in form of fighting, killing, looting and arson, using land conflict as starting point as seen in the novel.

The author depicts the military class as agents of underdevelopment. They have tasted power; they then find it difficult to relinquish power to the democratically elected government. When it is clear to Ọláwùmí that he has no more support, he cunningly makes the king-makers to endorse a document which will make his heir to be the king after him. When it was clear to the Military government, in 1993, that it had lost public credibility, it  installed the Interim government which was an appendage of the Military class.

Abíọ́dún's novel suggests that he belongs to an articulate class – a class of intellectuals who constantly fight for their rights. His class has been submerged with the lower class because of the political and economic forces. He therefore presents the 'world view' of his class. He protests against his members such as Adéoyè and Ikúbọlájẹ who find themselves in government and connive with power-that-be to oppress and alienate the poor. He represents the interest of his colleagues who are intimidated, threatened with sack letters and poor remuneration for their work to proffer solutions to the problems of alienation in our society.

In the novel, the masses, at the end, do not present a common front. There is no unity in their rank and file to really attack Ọláwùmí's government. The end is neither happy nor sad. The central conflict, which is military in politics, is neither resolved in favour of the protagonists (Adéwọlé and the masses) nor the antagonist (the Military class) represented by Osùọlálé.

Abíọ́dún seems to maintain a medial position. The novel has an indeterminate ending - one in which no definite conclusion is arrived at. The author takes a medial position in order not to create a false impression for the readers that their socio-political problems have been solved. The medial position of Abíọ́dún is popular among Yorùbá writers. Fanilola takes this position in Orí Mẹ̀kúnnù where masses (Mẹ̀kúnnù), although kill Adekanbi, the oppressive ruler, Oyekan, the people's choice never gets to the throne. Likewise in Owolabi's Ọ̀tẹ́ Nìbò, the central conflict, which is politics, is neither resolved in the favour of Egbe Ọbágorí (The Progressive) nor the Ẹgbẹ́ Olómi (the Conservative). He does not see that any possible solution is in sight for the present political situation in Nigeria. The posture of the writer is objective enough.

7         The Aesthetics of the NoveJ

Abíọ́dún's use of language is very impressive. He demonstrates expertise in the use of language. As a syntactician, he employs adequate language devices, thus, his prose is forceful, vivid and rich. These include pungent sarcasm, biting irony, volatile humour and vivid characterisation. The use of proverbs and sobriquets and the tendency to be verbose and to use repetitive elaboration are aspects of traditional Yorùbá rhetoric which enhance the realism of the novel.

More impressive in this novel is Abíọ́dún's ability to individualise characters through the language they use. We are able to differentiate sound Yorùbá speakers such as Oliuawo and Awogbemi from the way they speak. For example, describing the day Ọláwùmí gets to the throne, the author says that 'igboro Iyeye ń rọ́ kẹ̀ẹ̀, ó ń dùn yùn ùn. Dùndún ń dún lọ́tùn ún aro ń dún lósì. Bàtá ń dún pọnlápọnlá, ìbẹ̀m̀bẹ́ ń kù rìrì bí òjò. Àwọn òǹjó fa etí aṣọ wọn gẹngẹ, wọ́n ń rèdí kèé, òmíràn ń mi lẹ̀gbẹ̀ bi omi ọ̀ṣun’ (p 39). (Iyeye town is shaking because of crowd. It is really 'sweet'. Dundun drum is sounding on the right, aro drum is sounding on the left. Bata drums sound heavily; Ìbẹ̀m̀bẹ́ drums sound like a thunderous rain. The dancers hold the fringe of their garments carefully, they shake their buttocks profusely, some are moving like Osun river).

The impression one gets from this description is that there is much jubilation and happiness on that day. However, security agents are quickly positioned to thrash any unpatriotic citizen who might show his opposition to the usurping king. About the police, the author says that 'Yàtọ̀ sí ìbọn ọwọ́ wọn, ojú òmíràn pọ́n, ó lè ran sìgá. Bẹ́ẹ̀ ni wọ́n ń wò hànhùn bí ara oko tó wale ọdún. Ò dájú pé tí eṣinṣin bá fò tí kò mọ̀ fò wón á ṣe é yánnayànna’  (p 41). (Apart from the guns in their hands, their eyes were reddish, it can light cigarettes. They are looking wickedly like people living in the village that come home for the annual festival, it is very clear that if anybody misbehaves, they will deal with such a person in a sadistic manner). The use of hyperbole and simile in the above example allows the author to give a detailed description of the scene.

The language of the oppressive ruler is forceful, insulting and full of orders. For example, when Qlawumi confiscates the land that belongs to the Alafara's family, he comments that ‘Ti ilẹ̀ tí ẹ̀ ń sọ, láyé fáàbàdà, mi ò gbọdọ̀ gbọ́ pé ọmọ ilé Alafara wọ inú ilẹ̀ náà' (p 58) (As regards the land you are talking about, I must not hear again that the offspring of Alafara trespass on the land).

Finally, Abíọ́dún's picture of alienation and hegemony is very clear and imaginative. As shown in his characterisation, with sequence of events and the creative use of language, he has boldly confirmed his point and posture to the ideology of alienation and hegemony in our society. He seems to conclude that the oppressed class should collectively stop the debasing mode of existence imposed on it by the military-politicians who would never see peace like the fowls which perches on a rope.

References

Abíọ́dún, J (1993), Adìyẹ Bà Lókùn..  Ìlọrin: Majab Books.

Bertell, O (1976), Alienation: Marx's Conception of Man in Capitalist Society. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

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[1] This paper was published as Adeyemi, Lere (1998), ‘Alienation and Hegemony in Abiodun’s Adìyẹ bà lóókùn’, Journal of Nigerian Languages and Literatures (edited by L.O. Adewole) 6: 44-53.