Sunday, 22 November 2015

OYELARAN ON THE SUBCLASSIFICATION OF YORUBA VERBS


1. Establishing Syntactic Categories  In Yorùbá
In Oyelaran (1976), the author presents what he regards as the criteria that could be used in classifying words into categories. Meaning, according to him, is one of the criteria used by some grammarian to classify words into categories and this is why they say that a noun is the name of any person, place or thing. But, in his opinion, any grammarians who subscribes to the definition above will find it very difficult to classify the following words as nouns:
(1)        (a) Ọ̀pọ̀ ‘many/cheap’
            (b) Ọ̀wọ́n ‘dear’
            (c) Ìyà ‘suffering’
Although, none of these words is either a name of a person, place or thing, each of them can be used as a noun as follows.
(2)        (a)        Ó ra ọjà náà ní ọ̀pọ̀
                        He buy good the in cheap
                        ‘He bought the goods cheap’
            (b)        Ó ra ọjà náà ní ọ̀wọ́n
                        He buy good the in dear
                        He bought the goods dear (i.e. the goods were expensive)
            (c)        Ìyà ń jẹ ẹ́
                        Suffering is eating him
                        ‘He is suffering’
In (2a and b), ọ̀pọ̀ ‘many/cheap’ and ọ̀wọ́n ‘dear’ are objects of the preposition while ìyà ‘suffering’ is the subject of the sentence, thus, they can be classified as NP or N. Oyèláran (1976:1) wonders again how one can classify (3a) and (3b) as different categories using meaning as the criterion:
            (3a)                                                                              (3b)
            Ọ̀pọ̀ ‘many’                                                                 pọ̀ ‘many’
Ọ̀bùn ‘to be dirty’                                                       dọ̀tí ‘to be dirty’
The other criterion is the one based on phonology for the classification of Yoruba words. With this criterion, it may be claimed that Yorùbá verbs are usually monosyllabic (Oyèláran 1976:2). This criterion will classify such word as gbọ́ ‘to hear’ and ‘to come’ as verbs but it will exclude all the italicised words in (4) as verbs
(4) (a)              Ó ń  wàhálà  mi
                        He PROG bother me
                        ‘He is bothering me’
(b)                    Olówó gẹlẹtẹ
                        Rich stay idle
                        ‘The rich stays idle’
Another claim, while using phonology as a criterion, could be that a vowel does not occur at the initial position of a Yoruba  verb. Even if this is true, it does not follow that all words with consonants at their initial positions are verbs as shown by the following words –‘that’ and kìnìún ‘lion’. It can also not be said that all vowel initialed words are nouns. The following are words which are vowel initialed which are not nouns – àfi ‘except’ and àti ‘and’ 
Morphological criterion, in Oyelaran’s (1976:2) opinion, cannot also be used to classify Yorùbá words into categories especially as Yoruba does not have inflectional morphemes to mark gender, tense and case. Number and person are marked in the language only in the pronouns.
The function of a word in a sentence is the only criterion that Oyelaran (1976:4) says can be successfully used to classify Yoruba words into categories. With this criterion, any word that can serve as either the subject of a sentence or the object of a verb or a preposition in a sentence, among other criteria, is a noun. With this criterion, all the italicised words in (5) are nouns.
(5)        (a)        Olú ra iṣu
                        Olú buy yan
                        ‘Olú  bought yams’
            (b)        Mo rí Olú ní Ọjà
                        I see Olú in market
                        ‘I saw Olú in the market’  
In (5a), Olú is the subject of the sentence while iṣu ‘yam’ is the object. In (5b), ọjà ‘market’ is the object of the preposition  ni ‘in’.

2.       The Subclasification of Yoruba Versbs by Awobuluyi (1978).
            There is no denying the fact that Awobuluyi (1978) subscribes to the criterion of function that Oyelaran (1976) claims is the most appropriate for classifying Yoruba words into categories. Awobuluyi (1978:4) states in part that
The only proper way to classify Yoruba words for syntactic purposes is by the functions that they actually perform in sentences.
He then goes on to define a noun as any word functioning as the subject of a verb or the object of a verb or preposition in a grammatical sentence in the language (Awobuluyi 1978:7). He defines a verb as ‘any word functioning as predicator in a grammatical or acceptable sentence in the language’ (ibid. 45).
            While subclassifying the Yoruba verbs, however, Awobuluyi (1978:xiii) does not adhere to his claim of ‘consistent employment of function as the only criterion for establishing the major parts of speech of the language’. Awobuluyi (1978:53) subclassifies the Yoruba verbs as follows:

(6) (i)  Serial Verbs. They occur in strings or series of two or more per sentence, e.g. Ó ra  ẹran jẹ ‘He bought meet and ate it’.
    (ii)  Splitting Verbs: When used with an object, each verb in this class is always split into two halves and the object is inserted between them, e.g. Wọ́n túká ‘They dispersed’, Wọ́n wọn ‘They were dispersed’.
    (iii)  Echoing Verbs: Each of these verbs occurs twice per sentence: The second occurrence could loosely be said to echo the first, e.g.ro ire ‘You should wish me well’
     (iv)  Complex Verb:  In sentences, they behave exactly like combination of verbs and their objects, e.g. Wọ́n wàhálà rẹ̀ ‘They gave him a hard time’.
     (v)  Adjectivisable Verbs: These are verb phrases from which adjectives can be formed, e.g. Aṣọ náà dúdú ‘The cloth is black’.
      (vi) Nominal Assimilating Verbs: The construction in which this class functions always contains adverbial phrases where the preposition is followed directly by nominalization of the C1í C1-type, e.g. Ó dùn ní jíjẹ ‘It tastes good’.
    (vii)  Particle Selecting Verbs: The verbs in this class occur in a construction which features the particle . The particle has no concrete meaning, e.g. Òjó rán mi ní etí ‘Òjó reminded me’.
    (viii)  Report Verbs: - These are the verbs used for reporting or quoting thoughts, e.g. Mo gbọ́ pé o dé lánàá ‘I learnt that you returned yesterday’.
     (ix)  Impersonal Verbs: These verbs occur in a type of sentence whose subject, ó, never refers to anybody or anything in particular, e.g. Ó yẹ kí o lọ ‘You ought to go there’.
    (x) Causative Verbs: The verbs in this class have the meaning ‘to cause to do, make to do, bring about’, e.g. Ó mi se bẹ́ẹ̀ ‘He made me do so’
    (xi) Symmetrical Verbs: The subject and object of each of the verbs in this class are freely interchangeable, e.g. Inú mi/Mo nú ‘I was angry’
    (xii) Interrogative Verbs:-  This is the class of verbs used for asking questions, e.g. Èyí ń ̣? ‘What about this one?’
     (xiii) Imperative Verbs: The verbs in this class are used almost exclusively for greetings or requests, e.g Ẹ pẹ̀lẹ́ sà ‘Hello sir’.

3.      Comments on the Subclassification
            In Awobuluyi’s (1978:53), subclassification in (6) above (6) (i, ii, iv, vii, viii, ix, xi, xii and xiii) are based on the syntactic behaviour of the verbs and their functions. (16v) is based on morphology or derivation because the criterion used for its classification is the possibility of being able to derive adjectives from such verbs. The subcassification of (16vi) is based on morphology and phonology. If we take the sentence, Ó mọ ọkọ̀ọ́ wà ‘He knows how to drive’, as an example, we first derive wíwà  ‘driving’ from  ‘to drive’ to give us the sentence Ó mọ ọkọ̀ wíwà used in some dialects of Yorùbá. From this sentence, the deletion of the first w takes place to give us Ó mọ ọkọ̀ í wà. Assimilation then follows to give us Ó mọ ọkọ̀ọ́ wa. The verb in Ó mọ ọkọ̀ọ́ wà ‘He knows how to drive’ would be classified as under (16vi). From this explanation, it is clear that the classification of the nominal assimilating verbs is not based on function or syntactic behaviour. Also, if their functions or syntactic behaviour had been used, the echoing verbs should have been in the same subclass with the serial verbs because they both occur in strings or series of at least two verbs.
            Another problem with Awobuluyi’s (1978: 53) subclassification of Yoruba verbs is that some verbs occur in more than one subclass. Examples are gbàgbọ́ ‘to believe’ which occurs under the subclasses of splitting verbs and report verbs; gbàgbé ‘to forget’ which occurs under the subclasses of complex verbs and report verbs and ̣ ‘want’ which occurs under the subclasses of echoing verbs and nominal assimilating verbs. This is due to the fact that Awobuluyi (1978:53) uses more than one criterion in his subclassification of verbs. A look at Awobuluyi (1978:2) will show that none of the circles he uses as examples for subclassification of items there can occur in two subclasses because they are subclassified by size only.

4.  Conclusion
            While discussing the criteria for subclassifying Yorùbá words, Awobuluyi (1978:5) states that meaning, derivation, syntactic behaviour and function could be used in their subclassification  He goes further to say that
Some grammarians use meaning alone. Others use combination of these, such as meaning and derivation, or derivation and function. But no existing Yoruba grammar uses function only….Classification on the basis of meaning or derivation or syntactic behaviour, or even on the basis of combinations of these, are of limited value for describing Yoruba grammar….The only proper way to classify Yoruba words for syntactic purposes is by the functions that they actually perform in sentences.
                                                                                    (Awobuluyi 1978: 3-4).
            As could be seen from our discussion above, following Oyelaran (1976), the criteria used by Awobuluyi (1978:53) fór subclassifying  Yoruba verbs are meaning, derivation, syntactic behaviour and function.

Bibliography.
Awobuluyi, Ọládélé (1978), Essentials of Yoruba Grammar. Ibadan: University Press Limited.
Oyèláran, O. O. (1976), ‘Ìwé Ìléwọ́ lórí Ìsọ̀rí Ọ̀rọ̀ àti Àpólà Ẹ̀yánṣe’ Ìdánilẹ́kọ̀ọ́ fún àwọn, Olùkó Yorùbá fún Túlẹ̀ Oníwèé-méjìlá, University of Lagos, 16-21 August, 1976.



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