Wednesday, 22 February 2017

KỌ IN YORUBA SYNTAX: A NOTE


O P Adéṣọlá[1]


1           The Problem of Homonymy


The form kọ represents a class of verbs that exhibit strict subcategorisation in the literature (Awóbùlúyì 1978: 52 and Bámgbóṣé 1990: 34). By strict subcategorisation, we refer to a concept in the syntax of the verb in which a verb selects a particular noun as its specific object. According to the two writers, such verbs cannot select more than one specific noun phrase as their object. Awóbùlúyì (1978: 52) notes that 'other verbs with highly specific meanings each occur with only one noun as object and goes on to list such verbs (with the specific noun objects in brackets) as (àlá) 'to dream', kọ (orin) 'to sing', (ijó) 'to dance', (iná) 'poke fire', gbọ́n (ọgbọ́n) ‘be wise' gọ̀ (agọ̀) ‘be foolish' and pa (àdé) 'to meet'. Bámgbóṣé's (1990: 34) list also includes most of those that appear on Awóbùlúyì's list.

However, we have found out that the problem of homonymy was not taken into consideration in their analyses. By homonymy, following Crystal (1985:149), we mean 

a term used in SEMANTIC analysis to refer to LEXICAL ITEMS which have the same FORM but differ in MEANING. 'Homonymy' is illustrated from the various meanings of bear (= animal, carry) or ear (of body, of corn). In these examples, the identity covers both spoken and written forms.

He clearly distinguishes homonymy from polysemy when he describes the latter as a

term used in SEMANTIC analysis to refer to a LEXICAL ITEM which has a range of different MEANINGS, e.g. plain = 'clear', 'unadorned', 'obvious' .... the antecedents of homonymous items would be formally distinct ... (and) the meanings of homonymous items would be further apart, or unrelated (Crystal 1985: 236).

One can compare 'the related senses of (the polysemous) plain above with the homonymous plane = 'carpenter's tool' and plane = 'aeroplane' (ibid.). Almost every item on Awóbùlúyì and Bámgbósé's list is affected in this respect but we will use the verb kọ to illustrate our position.


2         Kọ́ in Yorùbá Syntax

Both Awóbùlúyì (1978: 52) and Bámgbóṣé (1990: 134) agree that kọ can select only one specific noun object which is orin 'song'. The first question one would like to ask here is if there is only one kọ in Yoriiba language. The answer to this seems to be in the negative. There are at least two tokens of the item in the language. The first one is transitive while the other one is intransitive. The intransitive kọ is exemplified in (1).

(1)       Àkùkọ kọ       The cock crows'

The kọ that assigned an accusative case is involved in one type of homonymy. This is shown in (2).

(2)        (a)        Olú kọ okùn                ‘Olú weaves the rope

(b)        Olú kọ irẹ́                    Olú tapes rubber tyre’

(c)        Olú ko ìwé                   Olú writes a book’

(d)       Olú kọ àmàlà             ‘Olú picks àmàlà

(e)       Olú kọ etí sí Adé      ‘Olu turns his ear to Ade'

(f)        Olú kọ orin                ‘Olu sings a song’

(g)       Olú kọ ewé                ‘Olu cuts leaves'

(h)       Olú kọ ẹsẹ̀                 ‘Olu hits his leg on an object, i.e. he

                                                stumbles'

(i)        Olú kọ ebè                 ‘Olu makes heaps'

(j)        Olú kọ ẹyin               ‘Olu reaps palm-nuts'

We may first ask if these tokens of kọ represent just one item whose meaning is decided by the object noun phrase. This will mean that the item is a light verb which has no meaning of its own in the language.  If this is adopted, then, does that mean that any verb that is involved in any type of homonymy has no meaning of its own? If we have more than one kọ in these examples, how do we distinguish one from the others?

Let us consider the occurrence of kọ in these examples. The kọ in example (2 a, b, c, e, f and i) connotes one form of production or the other while the kọ in (2 d, g, h and j) connotes an act of termination.

The question, then, is how many tokens of kọ exist in the language? Those that are grouped together may be seen as those that are involved in accidental homonymy. We can see those that belong to separate groups as tokens that are involved in a systematic homonymy. The structure of the of kọ that assigns accusative case will look like (3).

(3) [VP[V][{NP1 }{NP2} {NP ...}]

(4) [VP[v[kọ1, kọ2, kọ3, kọ…]][NP]

(3) represents a view that the meaning of kọ is determined by the noun phrase object it takes. In this, kọ is a single item in the language. (4) represents the view that we have about ten tokens of kọ in the language which can be subcategorised f or noun phrases. A mid-way position which we shall take for now is that we have about two tokens of kọ in the language (according to the groups). These kọ’s can then be subcategorised for noun phrases. The structure will look like (5).

            (5) [VP[v[kọ1/kọ2][{NP1 }{NP2} {NP ...}]

One should note that the structural positions of the kọ that assigns accusative case does not differ regardless of the meaning it connotes. It occurs in the structure in (6).

(6) [VP[V][NP]

The syntactic behaviour of the item is also the same in each of the ten tokens. For example, it can be nominalised for focusing and its object can be focused. If this shows that the item is one and the same, then, structure (3) may be more applicable. The major differences in the kọs are the intentional and extensional meanings which they connote.


3          Conclusion

It is clear from the above that it is important to take a closer look at the subcategorisation features of the Yoruba verbs. The attempt we make in this paper is on one of those that are said to exhibit strict subcategorisation and the description is more revealing.


References

Adesola, O. P. (1993), 'Àgbéyẹ̀wò Ọ̀rọ̣̀ àti Àpólà Atọ́kun lédè Yoruba.', M A Thesis, University of Ìlọrin.


Adésọlá, O. P. (1995), 'Does the Yoruba Verb Subsume the Preposition?', Paper Presented at the Ondo State University, Ado-Ekiti 14th LAN Conference.


Adésọlá, O. P. (forthcoming), The Problem of Homonymy in Yoruba Monosyllabic Verbs.', PhD Dissertation University of florin.


Awóbùlúyì, O. (1978), Essential of Yorùbá Grammar. Ìbàdàn: OUP.


Bámgbóṣẹ́, A. (1990). Fonọ́lọ́jì àti Gírámà Yorùbá. Ìbàdàn: UPL.


Crystal, David (1985). A Dictionary of Linguistics and Phonetics. Oxford: Basil Blackwell Ltd.


Hale, K. and S.J. Keyser (1993). ‘On Agreement Structure and Lexical Expression of Syntactic Relations’ in The Views from Building 20, edited by K. Hale and S.J. Keyser. Massachusetts: MIT Press.





[1] This paper was published as Adesola, O.P. (1998), ‘Kọ in Yorùbá Syntax’, Research in Nigerian Languages and Literatures (edited by L.O. Adewole) 6: 30-33.

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